Monday, May 4, 2009
Pilipina Womyn's Solidarity
I interviewed three Pilipina womyn who are part of one of the Pil-orgs on campus called GABRIELA Network(Gabnet). Gabnet is a Philippine-US womyn's solidarity organization that raises awareness and fights issues facing Pilipina women. The womyn I spoke with touched on so many parts of feminist theory without my prompting that the responses of one question answers so many other questions. For instance, Gabnet itself contradicts de Beauvoir's theory that an authentic womyn's movement is not possible because women are dispersed amongst men and they are incapable of coming together because of their ties to men are stronger than their ties with other women(DB,p.xxv). Gabnet also conducts consciousness raising through intimate discussions they have with small groups of womyn, which MacKinnon finds to be the roots of feminist theory(MacKinnon,p.231). These Pilipinas are quite possibly developing feminist theory without even realizing. Gabnet understands that social structures and social consciousness needs to change in order for womyn to truly be emancipated, just as de Beauvoir believed socialism would be that ultimate change of structure that will help free womyn(DB,p.728). The womyn interviewed understand the subject and object relationship that men and womyn have, and that having womyn equal men still allows men to be set as the standard(DB,p.xxii). The womyn interviewed hit so many points from feminist theory, that simply watching the video will explain it all.
Looking at my institution of the pil-community at Cal, one of the first thoughts that come to mind is solidarity. Gabnet is almost a microcosm of the very community it is a part of. Durkheim would easily recognize the mechanical and organic solidarity that holds the pil-community together. For Gabnet, mechanical solidarity is what truly reigns since it brings together womyn of all cultures and classes under their shared female identity. Gabnet is a part of the organic solidarity that unites the pil-community because Gabnet specializes in the Pilipina womyn's issues, just as other organizations specialize in other issues that face Pilipinos. De Beauvoir would criticize Durkheim's idea of mechanical solidarity for womyn because she would think it is impossible for womyn to unite since they are dispersed among men. MacKinnon would believe that womyn's solidarity is possible through the small groups of womyn raising consciousness by the discussion of womyn's issues. De Beauvoir would also disagree with Durkheim's idea of natural abilities deciding "spontaneous division of labor" because womyn's natural abilities are socially constructed. MacKinnon and de Beauvoir would agree with the idea that "woman" is socially constructed by men, and Durkheim would think that women naturally exist.
**Why we spell "Womyn" with a "y": Womyn
Looking at my institution of the pil-community at Cal, one of the first thoughts that come to mind is solidarity. Gabnet is almost a microcosm of the very community it is a part of. Durkheim would easily recognize the mechanical and organic solidarity that holds the pil-community together. For Gabnet, mechanical solidarity is what truly reigns since it brings together womyn of all cultures and classes under their shared female identity. Gabnet is a part of the organic solidarity that unites the pil-community because Gabnet specializes in the Pilipina womyn's issues, just as other organizations specialize in other issues that face Pilipinos. De Beauvoir would criticize Durkheim's idea of mechanical solidarity for womyn because she would think it is impossible for womyn to unite since they are dispersed among men. MacKinnon would believe that womyn's solidarity is possible through the small groups of womyn raising consciousness by the discussion of womyn's issues. De Beauvoir would also disagree with Durkheim's idea of natural abilities deciding "spontaneous division of labor" because womyn's natural abilities are socially constructed. MacKinnon and de Beauvoir would agree with the idea that "woman" is socially constructed by men, and Durkheim would think that women naturally exist.
**Why we spell "Womyn" with a "y": Womyn
Monday, April 6, 2009
“So let it be written, so let it be done”
Like most if not all institutions, the Pil-community functions in a bureaucratic manner, which Max Weber believes is the most efficient means of pursuing goals(Bureaucracy,p.214). Bureaucracies, like the Pil-community, are made up of written rules that are followed for the intended efficiency of the organization. There is constant documentation of meetings, events, and also certain paperwork required for many of the Pil-community’s operations. One aspect of documentation that the Pil-community utilizes is the Pilipino calendar(Pil-calendar), which displays all of the events occurring in the year. Weber would recognize the Pil-calendar as a form of management through documentation, serving as tangible proof of agreements that were made and are to be followed; adding to the efficiency of organizations.
The Pil-calendar verifies that the event schedule was agreed upon by the Pil-community; therefore the events are permitted to take place, which Weber would interpret as substantiating agreements. The management of organizations “based upon written documents” supports the other characteristics of bureaucracy because it gives organizations a solid reference point of rules and agreements to follow(Bureaucracy,p.197). Written documents are needed to manage an organization through rules, which is a crucial aspect of bureaucracy because it regulates the way an organization functions(Bureaucracy,p.198). For instance, the Pil-calendar regulates which events are allowed to occur and the document itself serves as proof of those event agreements. Pil-orgs gather at the beginning of every semester to put their respective events on the Pil-calendar. When events of different organizations overlap, there are rules that help mediate a compromise so that there is only one event occurring at a time. Each event documented on the Pil-calendar becomes a sort of contract ensuring that each Pil-orgs’ respective events holds precedence over any events that want to be put on another event at the same time. The Pil-calendar, like other forms of written documents, serves as testimony or evidence that arrangements have been agreed upon.
Although management through documentation helps resolve conflicts between parties, Weber does not account for the fact that it can sometimes hinder or prevent decision-making. For instance, when Pil-orgs wants to create an event on short notice, they may not be able to execute the event because they must go through the red tape of seeking official approval from the Pil-community. Weber does not explain this inefficiency of documentation, but he would attribute this dysfunction to a problem in the actual rules regulating the process of handling documentation. For example, Weber would explain that the Pil-calendar is a rational form of documentation but its inefficiency stems from the processing rules of event requests.
Foucault would interpret this constant documentation as a form of power over individuals, or in this case, Pil-orgs. Foucault would explain that these Pil-orgs are under the power of the greater community since they are not free to have events whenever they want.
Management based on written documents substantiates the rules and regulations that organizations agree upon, just as the Pil-calendar validates the events the Pil-community agrees upon.
The Pil-calendar verifies that the event schedule was agreed upon by the Pil-community; therefore the events are permitted to take place, which Weber would interpret as substantiating agreements. The management of organizations “based upon written documents” supports the other characteristics of bureaucracy because it gives organizations a solid reference point of rules and agreements to follow(Bureaucracy,p.197). Written documents are needed to manage an organization through rules, which is a crucial aspect of bureaucracy because it regulates the way an organization functions(Bureaucracy,p.198). For instance, the Pil-calendar regulates which events are allowed to occur and the document itself serves as proof of those event agreements. Pil-orgs gather at the beginning of every semester to put their respective events on the Pil-calendar. When events of different organizations overlap, there are rules that help mediate a compromise so that there is only one event occurring at a time. Each event documented on the Pil-calendar becomes a sort of contract ensuring that each Pil-orgs’ respective events holds precedence over any events that want to be put on another event at the same time. The Pil-calendar, like other forms of written documents, serves as testimony or evidence that arrangements have been agreed upon.
Although management through documentation helps resolve conflicts between parties, Weber does not account for the fact that it can sometimes hinder or prevent decision-making. For instance, when Pil-orgs wants to create an event on short notice, they may not be able to execute the event because they must go through the red tape of seeking official approval from the Pil-community. Weber does not explain this inefficiency of documentation, but he would attribute this dysfunction to a problem in the actual rules regulating the process of handling documentation. For example, Weber would explain that the Pil-calendar is a rational form of documentation but its inefficiency stems from the processing rules of event requests.
Foucault would interpret this constant documentation as a form of power over individuals, or in this case, Pil-orgs. Foucault would explain that these Pil-orgs are under the power of the greater community since they are not free to have events whenever they want.
Management based on written documents substantiates the rules and regulations that organizations agree upon, just as the Pil-calendar validates the events the Pil-community agrees upon.
Monday, March 9, 2009
Normalization Through Tabling
The Partnership for Pre-Professional Pilipinos(P4) is an organization whose mission is dedicated to the advancement of Pilipinos in law and business. P4 is made up of Partners, who are P4’s leaders, and Associates, who are the general members of P4. The Partners work year round to make P4’s mission a reality, while fostering the Associates to follow their example. P4 represents a microcosm of the greater Pil-community on campus, being one of the eight Pil-orgs. Each Pil-org has their own agendas as set out in their mission statements, which are achieved through the development of norms that each member of an organization is supposed to abide by. One of the norms, that is consistent across all Pil-orgs including P4, is that every member is required to table on Sproul for at least an hour every week. Foucault’s theory of normalization is illustrated through the simple task of tabling since members are regulated to conform to this expectation.
P4 Partners ensure that Associates are normalized into performing their duty of tabling, which Foucault would recognize as corrective training used to discipline individuals who deviate from norms. Norms are “explicitly laid down by a set of regulations” and when broken, corrective punishment ensues(Foucault,p.179). At the beginning of every semester, the Partners explain the public relations and marketing benefits of tabling to Associates and also the tabling etiquette that everyone should follow. For instance, members must sign-in on a sheet during their tabling hours to show that they were present. When an Associate fails to follow any of the tabling expectations, one of the Partners personally reprimands the deviant to make the Associate “feel the offence he/she has committed(Foucault,p.178).” By confronting Associates, their behavior is corrected and norms are still upheld. Associates are not disciplined solely through punishment, but also through rewards.
Partners use different motivation tools and rewards that depict Foucault’s belief in the importance of having both positive and negative sanctions to foster normalization, while also creating hierarchy. Foucault believes in the system of “gratification-punishment,” focusing particularly on using incentives to encourage individuals to follow the norms(Foucault,p.180). Partners convince Associates of the importance of tabling for their own professional development in networking and marketing. Tabling is quantified in a kind of “punitive balance sheet” which ranks and “marks the gaps” between individuals, showing which individuals are more disciplined(Foucualt,pp.180-181). Partners have a tendency to show favoritism towards Associates who table more than the standard two hours per week, and who dedicate much more time and energy than other Associates.
Foucault’s theory of normalization does not account for the motivating factors behind each individual that makes them obedient to power. Through the example of tabling with P4, there is not a significant reason that would make individuals want to table. The real reason why Associates table, is for their own personal benefit. All Associates hope to become Partners, which is a leadership position they could put on their resumes. By tabling and following other P4 norms, they gain the favor of current Partners which works in their favor when next years’ Partners are chosen.
Normalization is important because it helps regulate society, just as normalization is used to manage the performance of members in an organization, like P4.
P4 Partners ensure that Associates are normalized into performing their duty of tabling, which Foucault would recognize as corrective training used to discipline individuals who deviate from norms. Norms are “explicitly laid down by a set of regulations” and when broken, corrective punishment ensues(Foucault,p.179). At the beginning of every semester, the Partners explain the public relations and marketing benefits of tabling to Associates and also the tabling etiquette that everyone should follow. For instance, members must sign-in on a sheet during their tabling hours to show that they were present. When an Associate fails to follow any of the tabling expectations, one of the Partners personally reprimands the deviant to make the Associate “feel the offence he/she has committed(Foucault,p.178).” By confronting Associates, their behavior is corrected and norms are still upheld. Associates are not disciplined solely through punishment, but also through rewards.
Partners use different motivation tools and rewards that depict Foucault’s belief in the importance of having both positive and negative sanctions to foster normalization, while also creating hierarchy. Foucault believes in the system of “gratification-punishment,” focusing particularly on using incentives to encourage individuals to follow the norms(Foucault,p.180). Partners convince Associates of the importance of tabling for their own professional development in networking and marketing. Tabling is quantified in a kind of “punitive balance sheet” which ranks and “marks the gaps” between individuals, showing which individuals are more disciplined(Foucualt,pp.180-181). Partners have a tendency to show favoritism towards Associates who table more than the standard two hours per week, and who dedicate much more time and energy than other Associates.
Foucault’s theory of normalization does not account for the motivating factors behind each individual that makes them obedient to power. Through the example of tabling with P4, there is not a significant reason that would make individuals want to table. The real reason why Associates table, is for their own personal benefit. All Associates hope to become Partners, which is a leadership position they could put on their resumes. By tabling and following other P4 norms, they gain the favor of current Partners which works in their favor when next years’ Partners are chosen.
Normalization is important because it helps regulate society, just as normalization is used to manage the performance of members in an organization, like P4.
Wednesday, February 4, 2009
ISANG BAGSAK!
“Isang bagsak!” cried a large circle of Pilipinos and Pilipino Americans. The students of the Pilipino community (Pil-community) at UC Berkeley often conclude their events with a unity clap ending in the Tagalog exclamation “Isang bagsak!” The translation means, “One down, one fall!” representing the solidarity of the group as they clap in unison. When one falls, the whole group falls. Similarly the group will rise together as well. The Pil-community possesses a strong solidarity stemming from not only the shared Pilipino identities of all eight Pilipino organizations (Pil-orgs) but also the complementary differences brought by each Pil-org to the Pil-community. The Pil-community represents Durkheim’s theory of solidarity comprising of both the mechanical and organic solidarity needed to govern the interests of this cultural and ethnic institution.
The Pil-community possesses Durkeheim’s idea of solidarity which is an unquestionable moral good that forms the collective consciousness of a healthy society(p.6). There are two types of solidarity that must coexist: mechanical and organic. Mechanical solidarity is when entities unite over a common interest, so they move together as one because of their similarities(p.22). The Pil-community believes that they are all treated the same way by the rest of society because of their ethnicity, so Pilipinos unite so that they are strong together instead of weak alone. In mechanical solidarity, “individual consciousness is simply a dependency of the collective type(p.84),” indicating that collective consciousness is greater than individual consciousness. For instance, every spring the Pil-community collectively campaigns and successfully elects a Pilipino Senator to ensure Pilipino representation in the ASUC. With each Pilipino voting for a communally chosen senator, individuals are not deciding his/her own vote; they are allowing the Pil-community to decide. Members of the Pil-community share a Pilipino identity but they each have their own different interests which the Pil-community accounts for as well.
The Pil-community is comprised of eight pil-orgs embodying Durkheim’s second form of solidarity: organic solidarity. Organic solidarity comes from the division of labor, where “each organ has its own special characteristics (p.85)” working dependent upon each other. Each pil-org represents a different function specializing in the many interests of the Pil-community. The eight functions of each organization are: 1)politics/culture, 2)business/law, 3)science/engineer, 4)health, 5)arts, 6)womyn’s(women’s) rights, 7)religion/faith, and 8)academics/education. With organic solidarity, individual consciousness is greater than collective consciousness(p.85). Every pil-org serves a purpose, stripping no one of his/her individuality, instead they complement each other strengthening the Pil-community with the broad range of skills that every individual possesses. Durkheim’s theory of solidarity explains much of the strength of the Pil-community but Durkheim cannot account for some members of the Pil-community.
Not everyone in the Pil-community is Pilipino, yet they still feel a strong affinity with the Pil-community. Durkheim’s theory of solidarity cannot explain why there are so many non-Pilipinos in the Pil-community because he does not recognize that similarities transcend shared identities. Everyone in the Pil-community advocates for the rights of Pilipinos even though they may not ethnically identify with them.
The Pil-community combines mechanical and organic solidarity, producing a cultural institution that is united by their similarities and differences. Everyone in the Pil-community often shares the Pilipino identity but everyone shares the same beliefs. Every pil-org serves different functions for the Pil-community making it more efficient and stronger. The solidarity emanating throughout the Pil-community strengthens not just the institution itself but every individual as well. “Isang Bagsak! One down, One fall!”
The Pil-community possesses Durkeheim’s idea of solidarity which is an unquestionable moral good that forms the collective consciousness of a healthy society(p.6). There are two types of solidarity that must coexist: mechanical and organic. Mechanical solidarity is when entities unite over a common interest, so they move together as one because of their similarities(p.22). The Pil-community believes that they are all treated the same way by the rest of society because of their ethnicity, so Pilipinos unite so that they are strong together instead of weak alone. In mechanical solidarity, “individual consciousness is simply a dependency of the collective type(p.84),” indicating that collective consciousness is greater than individual consciousness. For instance, every spring the Pil-community collectively campaigns and successfully elects a Pilipino Senator to ensure Pilipino representation in the ASUC. With each Pilipino voting for a communally chosen senator, individuals are not deciding his/her own vote; they are allowing the Pil-community to decide. Members of the Pil-community share a Pilipino identity but they each have their own different interests which the Pil-community accounts for as well.
The Pil-community is comprised of eight pil-orgs embodying Durkheim’s second form of solidarity: organic solidarity. Organic solidarity comes from the division of labor, where “each organ has its own special characteristics (p.85)” working dependent upon each other. Each pil-org represents a different function specializing in the many interests of the Pil-community. The eight functions of each organization are: 1)politics/culture, 2)business/law, 3)science/engineer, 4)health, 5)arts, 6)womyn’s(women’s) rights, 7)religion/faith, and 8)academics/education. With organic solidarity, individual consciousness is greater than collective consciousness(p.85). Every pil-org serves a purpose, stripping no one of his/her individuality, instead they complement each other strengthening the Pil-community with the broad range of skills that every individual possesses. Durkheim’s theory of solidarity explains much of the strength of the Pil-community but Durkheim cannot account for some members of the Pil-community.
Not everyone in the Pil-community is Pilipino, yet they still feel a strong affinity with the Pil-community. Durkheim’s theory of solidarity cannot explain why there are so many non-Pilipinos in the Pil-community because he does not recognize that similarities transcend shared identities. Everyone in the Pil-community advocates for the rights of Pilipinos even though they may not ethnically identify with them.
The Pil-community combines mechanical and organic solidarity, producing a cultural institution that is united by their similarities and differences. Everyone in the Pil-community often shares the Pilipino identity but everyone shares the same beliefs. Every pil-org serves different functions for the Pil-community making it more efficient and stronger. The solidarity emanating throughout the Pil-community strengthens not just the institution itself but every individual as well. “Isang Bagsak! One down, One fall!”
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
Dictatorship of the Proletarian Pilipinos
The institution I chose is the student Pilipino community (Pil-community) at the University of California, Berkeley. The Pil-community at Berkeley is a microcosm of Pilipino students who are unified under their shared culture and ethnicity. I believe the Pil-community at Cal would fall under a cultural and political category given that the Pil-community is first and foremost Pilipino and that in itself stands as a political statement. I chose this institution because I find myself caught in this complicated web of social rules that I am expected to follow, being one of the Pil-community leaders as a board member of one of the Pilipino organizations (Pil-org). One major social rule that the Pil-community follows is that if you are Pilipino you are automatically part of the Pil-community, and there is an unspoken expectation that since you are Pilipino you must be "active" in the community; meaning, you should be associating closely with the rest of the Pil-community or you may be considered an outcast.
The Pil-community is comprised of eight Pilipino student organizations each fulfilling a different niche, which enhances the little world that these Pilipino students create for themselves on the Cal campus. Marx would note how each organization "specializes" in different things but he would be pleased to know that the more dominant Pil-orgs are the politically active Pil-orgs, which fight for the injustices of Pilipinos and Pilipino-Americans. There are three Pil-orgs that may be seen as the "bourgeois" organizations since three of them are the pre-professional organizations (pre-pros); one specializing in law and business, another with a healthcare focus, and lastly one with an engineering/science concentration. All of the pre-pros foster career preparation into these capitalist positions. Sometimes these bourgeois-like organizations are seen in a negative light since members from these organizations are seen as being self-interested in their careers instead of being politically active for the Pil-community. Marx would also detect a certain amount of exploitation being made by some of the larger Pil-orgs over the smaller ones since they possess the resources that the smaller ones lack.
The Pil-community is comprised of eight Pilipino student organizations each fulfilling a different niche, which enhances the little world that these Pilipino students create for themselves on the Cal campus. Marx would note how each organization "specializes" in different things but he would be pleased to know that the more dominant Pil-orgs are the politically active Pil-orgs, which fight for the injustices of Pilipinos and Pilipino-Americans. There are three Pil-orgs that may be seen as the "bourgeois" organizations since three of them are the pre-professional organizations (pre-pros); one specializing in law and business, another with a healthcare focus, and lastly one with an engineering/science concentration. All of the pre-pros foster career preparation into these capitalist positions. Sometimes these bourgeois-like organizations are seen in a negative light since members from these organizations are seen as being self-interested in their careers instead of being politically active for the Pil-community. Marx would also detect a certain amount of exploitation being made by some of the larger Pil-orgs over the smaller ones since they possess the resources that the smaller ones lack.
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